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The 1969 Curaçao uprising (known as ''Trinta di Mei'' in Papiamento, the local language) was series of riots lasting from May 30 to June 1, 1969. They arose from a labor dispute on the Dutch-controlled Caribbean island nation of Curaçao. ==Background and causes== Curaçao is an island in the Caribbean which is a country ((オランダ語:land)) within the Kingdom of the Netherlands. In 1969, it had a population of around 141,000, of whom 65,000 lived in the capital, Willemstad. Until 2010, it was the most populous island and seat of government of the country Netherlands Antilles, the former Dutch colony in the Caribbean comprising six islands. In the 19th century the island's economy was in poor shape. It had few industries other than dyewood, salt, and straw hats. After the Panama Canal was built and oil was discovered in Venezuela's Maracaibo Basin, Curaçao's economic situation changed for the better. Shell opened a refinery in 1918; it was continually expanded until 1930. The plant's production peaked in 1952, when it employed around 11,000 people. This economic boom attracted a number of immigrants, particularly from other Caribbean islands, Suriname, Madeira, and the Netherlands. Thereafter, the number of people working in the oil industry had shrunk. By 1969, Shell only employed around 4,000 people. This was a result both of automation and of sub-contracting: employees of sub-contractors typically received lower wages than Shell workers. Unemployment rose from 5,000 in 1961 to 8,000 to 1966. Nonwhite, unskilled workers were particularly affected. The government focused on attracting tourism. Though this brought some economic growth, it did little to reduce unemployment.〔Anderson/Dynes 1975, pg. 33-35, 55-57.〕 The rise of the oil industry had led to a number of civil servants being brought in, mostly from the Netherlands. This led to a segmentation of Curaçaoan society into ''landskinderen'', those who had been in Curaçao for generations, and ''makamba'', the new inhabitants from Europe. The latter had closer ties to the Netherlands and spoke Dutch, while the former spoke Papiamento and had a more pronounced Antillean identity.〔Anderson/Dynes 1975, pg. 35-36.〕 Another issue that would come to the fore in the uprising was the Netherlands Antilles', and specifically Curaçao's, relationship with the Netherlands. Its status had been changed in 1954 by the Charter for the Kingdom of the Netherlands. Under the charter, the Netherlands Antilles, like Suriname until 1975, was a part of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, but not of the Netherlands itself. Foreign policy and national defense are Kingdom matters and presided over by the Council of Ministers of the Kingdom of the Netherlands, which consisted of the full Council of Ministers of the Netherlands with one minister plenipotentiary for each of the countries Netherlands Antilles and Suriname. Other issues, however, were governed at a more local level, that of the country (Netherlands Antilles) or island (the island of Curaçao). Although this system had its proponents, who pointed to the fact that managing its own foreign relations and national defense would be too costly for a small country like Curaçao, many Netherlands Antilleans saw it as a continuation of the area's subaltern colonial status. Similarly, Dutch cultural dominance in Curaçao was another source of conflict. Specifically, the island's official language was Dutch, meaning that this was the language used in schools. Many Curaçaoans' native language, however, was Papiamento. This created difficulties for many students.〔Anderson/Dynes 1975, pg. 42-43, 48-49.〕 A high Antillean government official claimed that the island's wide-reaching mass media was one of the uprising's causes. People in Curaçao were well aware of events in the United States, Europe, and Latin America. In addition to their access to media, many Antilleans traveled abroad, including many who studied abroad. Moreover, many tourists from the U.S. and the Netherlands visit Curaçao and many workers from abroad work in Curaçao's oil industry. Therefore, Curaçao's inhabitants were very much aware of global events. The uprising would parallel anti-colonial, anti-capitalist, and anti-racist movements throughout the world. It was particularly influenced by the Cuban Revolution. Government officials in Curaçao would falsely claim that Cuban communists were directly involved in sparking the uprising. However, the revolution did have an indirect influence in that it inspired many of the participants. Many of the uprising's leaders donned khaki uniforms similar to those worn by Fidel Castro. Similarly, black power movements were emerging throughout the Caribbean and in the United States at the time. Though foreign black power figures were again not directly involved in the 1969 uprising, they did inspire many of its participants. As in the U.S. and Caribbean countries such as Jamaica, Trinidad and Tobago, or Barbados, blacks in Curaçao were hit disproportionately by poverty and faced racism and discrimination. The movement leading up to the 1969 uprising therefore used many of the same symbols and rhetoric as black power and civil rights movements in those countries.〔Anderson/Dynes 1975, pg. 7-13.〕 Another issue that contributed to the uprising lay in local politics. The Democratic Party (DP) had been in power in the Netherlands Antilles since 1954. A center-left party, the DP was more closely connected to the labor movement than its major rival, the National People's Party (NVP). It made promises of improving workers' conditions that it was unable to make good on. Meanwhile, the DP was also mainly associated with the white segments of the working class and blacks criticized it for primarily advancing white interests.〔Anderson/Dynes 1975, pg. 50-52.〕 The 1960s also saw the rise of radicalism in Curaçao. Many students went to the Netherlands for studies and some returned with radical left-wing ideas. They founded the Union Reformista Antillano (URA) in 1965. It established itself as a socialist alternative to the established parties, though it was more reformist than revolutionary in outlook. Beyond parliamentary politics, the ''Vitó'' movement emerged. ''Vitó'' was a magazine at the center of a movement aiming to put an end to the economic and political exploitation of the masses thought to be a result of neo-colonialism. When ''Vitó'' started being published in Papiamento rather than Dutch in 1967, it gained a mass following. It had close ties with radical elements in the labor movement. Papa Godett, a leader in the dock workers' union, worked together with Stanley Brown, the editor of ''Vitó''.〔Anderson/Dynes 1975, pg. 62-65.〕 抄文引用元・出典: フリー百科事典『 ウィキペディア（Wikipedia）』 ■ウィキペディアで「1969 Curaçao uprising」の詳細全文を読む スポンサード リンク
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